The Administration

It’s a New Year but it’s déjà vu at the White House. We saw it before during the Bush-Cheney administration: President Bush infamously tried to undermine legislation by signing it with one hand while using the other to assert he could interpret the law as he pleased. Some of us decried Bush’s attempts to have the seemingly boundless powers of a unitary executive. Some even called it an “Imperial Presidency.” This month, President Obama invited similar outrage when he signed the defense authorization bill.

As a member of Congress, I took an oath to protect and defend the U.S. Constitution. I did not swear to uphold only the sections I liked. The Bill of Rights contain civil liberties so fundamentally important that no matter how unpopular at times, these rights are guaranteed and no president, no Congress and no person can deprive them from us. The Second Amendment, hated by some, is a fundamental right as well. I, and millions of others, see the wisdom of the Second Amendment even as many do not. But whether you see its wisdom, all public officials were sworn to uphold it.

And this is where I part ways with the president. On Wednesday, President Obama sought to undermine constitutional guarantees when he unveiled 23 measures, in a combination of executive orders and proposed new legislation, to restrict gun ownership.

I recently wrote an op-ed here on The Hill's Congress Blog which focused on actions the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) may undertake in the coming weeks and months, including “try[ing] to undermine the secret ballot, a core element of workplace democracy, and provid[ing] union bosses with access to proprietary employee contact information.”
 
In response, John Logan, a professor and director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University wrote a highly critical and rather hyperbolic op-ed. According to Logan, “far-right obstructionism from the GOP Congress and anti-union organizations such as the Workplace Fairness Institute has undermined the board’s efforts to protect workers’ rights and restore a modicum of balance to our labor policy.”

In recent years, Congress has greatly curbed monetary pork, notably earmarks. For example, after reforms were instituted to make earmarks more transparent, their number in legislation decreased from 13,997 (worth $27 billion) in 2005 to 2,658 (worth $13 billion) in 2007. But in-kind pork, such as presidential inaugural tickets, continues to thrive.

In the Seinfeld episode, “Bizarro Jerry” Elaine befriends a group of normal, outgoing friends who physically resemble George, Jerry, and Kramer, but treat her exactly opposite. This is where Jerry informs her that in the Bizarro World, up is down, down is up, and people say hello when they leave, and goodbye when they arrive.
 
On January 1, headlines announcing that a Fiscal Cliff deal had been struck thanks in part to the handy work of Vice President Biden’s eleventh hour heroics were not only surprising, but left some thinking they have entered the realm of the backward.

For much of the last year, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has focused almost exclusively on rewarding union bosses with decisions that hurt workers and small businesses. Board Member Brian Hayes was the sole countervailing voice providing a balanced view of the facts and law.
 
Now, with Hayes’ term on the Board having expired, the Board is likely to take actions without input from members who have a broader perspective on labor management issues. For example, it is anticipated that the Board may try to undermine the secret ballot, a core element of workplace democracy, and provide union bosses with access to proprietary employee contact information.

In politics, it is rare to find a politician that makes a “perfect fit” for a cabinet position, but if there ever was such a perfect fit, it would be former Senator Chuck Hagel for the position of secretary of Defense. Hagel, the former Republican Senator from Nebraska, has been rumored to be at the top of President Obama’s shortlist for the position.

He has combat experience — having served in the Vietnam War as an infantry squad leader, he achieved the rank of sergeant and was awarded multiple medals including two Purple Hearts. After leaving the military, Hagel was dedicated to helping American troops and veterans. He was appointed deputy administrator of the Veterans Administration, where he fought for funding for VA programs, and he served as president and CEO of the USO.

After four decades of public service — including stints as Bill Clinton’s Chief of Staff and Director of the CIA — current Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta is retiring. Rumored to be the frontrunner is the former GOP Senator from Nebraska, Chuck Hagel. If selected, Hagel would be the third Republican out of the past four secretaries selected to lead the Pentagon.

Yet, as Hagel is vetted internally at the White House, two major questions have popped up in the news:

• First, what kind of secretary of Defense would Hagel be?

• Second, if Hagel doesn’t end up as the nominee, who else could it be?

In speaking with the Truman Project’s network of national security experts — both inside and out of government — here are some answers.

In this digital age we have the benefit of looking back at Mitt Romney’s previous statements so we know exactly what he has said before. Apparently, when she wrote her blog “A President Romney will fix our immigration policy” Rosario Marin forgot to take a look at what Romney has been saying about immigration and what he might do if elected president.

After 20 months, the inspector general concluded his investigation and published a report on the Department of Justice’s handling of “Operation Fast and Furious.” Inspector General Horowitz had a difficult job, and he did it well. While congressional oversight of “Fast and Furious” is by no means complete, the issuance of the inspector general’s report provides an appropriate opportunity for reflection. 

There are at least three major takeaways from the Inspector General’s report: