Democrats even briefly toyed with using that as one of their campaign themes,
but it got lost in a presidential campaign that focused mostly on national security
and John KerryJohn KerryTrump fails to mention Clinton in inaugural address Hillary Clinton under microscope at inauguration Overnight Tech: Meet the key players for Trump on tech | Patent chief staying on | Kerry aide goes to Snapchat | Uber's M settlement MORE’s flip-flopping ways.
But that didn’t mean Pelosi forgot about her pledge.
This healthcare reform package is notable for many reasons. It took a long time to get done. It spends a lot of money. It will immediately raise premiums. It promises to give better access to health insurance to those with pre-existing conditions. It makes people who don’t want to buy or can’t afford to buy health insurance buy health insurance.
And it repeals two parts of the original and most offensive (from Pelosi’s perspective) portions of the bill. It destroys the Medicare Advantage program, which Democrats irrationally feared would lead to the privatization of the Medicare program. And it makes the prescription drug companies fill in the so-called doughnut hole, which was put in place to keep the original bill within its budget parameters.
Pelosi discovered early on that she couldn’t repeal and replace a benefit, which grew more popular the more it was put into place. And so she focused on those parts she could repeal and worked with single-minded determination.
Republicans don’t face the exact same dynamic that Pelosi did seven years ago.
The Medicare prescription bill faced ideological opposition from some conservatives and some liberals, but didn’t spark the widespread anger that has dogged this healthcare bill. Because the Medicare bill was focused mostly on giving more benefits to a specific class of people (namely, old people), it didn’t affect most Americans. On the other hand, this healthcare bill is going to hit everybody, either through higher premiums, the individual mandate or higher taxes, so the opposition is deeper and wider.
That being said, Republicans face a stiff resistance to actually repeal the bill, even if they gain a majority in both the House and the Senate. In a “Bring it On” moment, the President taunted Republicans to try to repeal the whole bill over his veto pen. It is unlikely that the GOP will be able to get a two-thirds vote to override a presidential veto.
Instead of promising the unachievable, I think Republicans should adopt a Pelosi-like strategy when it comes to dealing with this healthcare plan. That plan has three steps.
First, forget about repealing the stuff that will prove to be popular. Let’s not break our pick trying to repeal the ban on pre-existing conditions. Not good politics.
Second, let’s not repeal those parts of the bill that had bipartisan support and will actually do some good things for the American people. A provision that gives the biotech industry intellectual property protection so it can continue to create life-saving drugs in the future should stay.
Third, focus on those parts of the bill that will prove to be wildly unpopular and worse, be terrible policy. The tax on medical devices will make healthcare more costly for senior citizens (who use most of the devices). The individual mandate, accompanied by the thousands of IRS agents who will be hired to enforce, will be seen by many Americans to be an unholy intrusion into their lives by the government. The destruction of the Medicare Advantage program should be reversed. You get my point.
It was Winston Churchill who said that revenge is best served cold. That is what Nancy Pelosi did when she finally got her revenge on Republicans who passed the prescription drug benefit in 2003. Republicans can learn from her example as they embark on a strategy to repeal parts of this terrible law.