Hollywood’s A-listers love to play politics, particularly for Democratic politicians.

Tom Hanks is a Tinseltown supporter of Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton’s (D-N.Y.) presidential campaign, while Will Smith and Jamie Foxx are among the box office draws giving to Sen. Barack Obama’s (D-Ill.) White House bid. Other film and television stars routinely travel to Washington to trumpet pet causes with their Democratic and Republican friends.

Glickman said approving the trade pact would encourage leaders of other countries to improve their economies and strengthen their Democracies. The former House Intelligence Committee member said he supports the Colombia deal for national security reasons, too.

Glickman’s stars aren’t showing up yet to meet members of Congress on Colombia, even though their paychecks more and more are impacted by overseas box office revenue. According to the MPAA, international box office receipts in 2007 were $17.1 billion, compared to the $9.6 billion taken in by the domestic box office.

While Colombia is a small market, Glickman said the agreement includes protections on intellectual property rights important to the film and television industry.

More broadly, film studios are hoping to use trade to take down barriers to U.S. films and videos they believe help create demand for a pirate  industry that continues to thrive in many countries, most notably China.

China’s government allows only 20 foreign films to be shown in theatrical release every year. U.S. studios usually get about 14 of the spots, meaning only a fraction of Hollywood’s films make it to the big screen in Beijing and other Chinese cities, where a growing middle class is enticing all kinds of U.S. businesses.

In an interview with The Hill, Glickman said the MPAA will not lobby individual members of Congress to vote for Colombia.

“Generally speaking, we’re not actively involved in the day-to-day lobbying of trade agreements,” he said.

The MPAA would seem positioned to encourage Democrats, who generally have opposed the Colombia deal, to reconsider. The MPAA has given 67 percent of its campaign donations to Democrats in the current cycle.

The MPAA represents one of California’s most important industries, and the 34 California Democrats in the House are a key constituency on the trade deal.

Republicans and the Bush administration have pressed Congress for action on Colombia, but Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) changed House rules last month to eliminate a 90-legislative-day time limit meant to force a vote on the deal. Only 11 House Democrats voted against the rule change.

While the MPAA has voiced support for the Bush administration’s trade agenda, trade lobbyists said that historically, they haven’t been the organization to put boots on the Hill. The MPAA has generally been “missing in action” in lobbying efforts on trade deals, said one lobbyist, who asked for anonymity to speak candidly. “I just haven’t really seen them.”

Glickman, who supported trade as agriculture secretary in President Bill Clinton’s administration, said he took to the National Press Club to stress that U.S. film and television studios depend on foreign markets for 60 percent of their revenues. A supporter of Sen. Clinton, Glickman decried presidential campaign rhetoric on trade, insisting it provides more opportunities to the U.S. economy than it gives away.

Glickman downplays any role the MPAA could have in convincing Congress to take a vote on Colombia. Asked if the MPAA could have an influence, he responds, “On trade issues, the answer is, probably not.”

But several business lobbyists disagreed, saying they believed Glickman’s group could make waves.

Some noted that support from the New Democrat Coalition, a group of centrist Democrats who believe the U.S. should encourage economic growth through investments in technology and trade, could be critical to Colombia.

Some New Democrats, including California Reps. Jane Harman and Adam Schiff, have received MPAA campaign donations in this cycle and would seem to be natural allies.

The New Democrats in recent years, however, have increasingly opposed trade deals moved by the Bush administration. In 2005, only four members of the group supported the Central American Free Trade Agreement.

Before starting talks with the U.S. on a trade deal, South Korea halved its screen quota so theaters need to show Korean-language movies only for at least 73 days of the year. The quota was intended to protect the Korean film industry and ensure that cinemas do not show only popular films from Hollywood.

That deal also may be introduced to Congress by the administration this year, but it faces an uncertain future because of objections from labor groups and some U.S. automakers.