Climate bill hinges on Ohio’s Sen. Brown

Climate bill hinges on Ohio’s Sen. Brown

Sen. Sherrod BrownSherrod BrownDems push for more action on power grid cybersecurity Senate Banking panel huddles with regulators on bank relief Overnight Regulation: Labor groups fear rollback of Obama worker protection rule | Trump regs czar advances in Senate | New FCC enforcement chief MORE holds the key to delivering a bloc of Midwestern senators crucial to passing climate change legislation that faces strong bipartisan opposition.

The Ohio liberal has been working diligently behind the scenes on behalf of manufacturers, seeking concessions from two Democrats who share his views on most other policy matters.

(WATCH THE VIDEO HERE)

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Sens. Barbara BoxerBarbara BoxerTime is now to address infrastructure needs Tom Steyer testing waters for Calif. gubernatorial bid Another day, another dollar for retirement advice rip-offs MORE (D-Calif.) and John KerryJohn KerryFrustrated Dems say Obama botched Russia response Budowsky: Dems madder than hell Tillerson: 'My view didn’t change' on Paris climate agreement MORE (D-Mass.) released a draft of their legislation Wednesday, and already Brown has won a few battles. But he and senators from Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Indiana and Michigan say there’s still work to be done. Leaving their concerns unanswered could derail one of the Obama administration’s highest priorities.

“They understand a couple big things about this,” Brown said of Boxer and Kerry during a sit-down interview with The Hill. “They don’t get the votes from Midwestern industrial-state senators unless manufacturing is a major component of this.”

Reducing carbon emissions is a major objective for Democrats. President Barack ObamaBarack ObamaNumber of refugees entering US drops by half under Trump Former Obama intelligence official: Russian hack ‘the political equivalent of 9/11’ Trump notes 'election meddling by Russia' in tweet criticizing Obama MORE on Wednesday said the Senate bill, which seeks to cut carbon emissions by 20 percent by 2020, puts Americans “one step closer” to being more energy-independent.

Republicans have blasted that approach as an energy tax that would cost jobs. Complicating matters is the handful of Democrats who have echoed that complaint. Sen. Jay RockefellerJay RockefellerOvernight Tech: Trump nominates Dem to FCC | Facebook pulls suspected baseball gunman's pages | Uber board member resigns after sexist comment Trump nominates former FCC Dem for another term Obama to preserve torture report in presidential papers MORE (D-W.Va.) on Wednesday called the Boxer bill a “disappointing step in the wrong direction.”

In early May, Senate Majority Leader Harry ReidHarry ReidDems see surge of new candidates Dems to grind Senate to a halt over ObamaCare repeal fight GOP fires opening attack on Dem reportedly running for Heller's Senate seat MORE (D-Nev.) predicted climate change legislation would be more difficult to pass than healthcare reform, noting that the biggest obstacle would come from Democrats in states “down the middle of this country.”

Brown is weighing all of that while answering questions in his office on the seventh floor of the Hart Building, which until last year was occupied by then-Sen. Obama (D-Ill.).

For starters, he thinks the Senate climate change bill needs to invest significantly more to help U.S. manufacturers, which face a competitive disadvantage with companies in China and other countries with less strict environmental rules.

Brown wants Boxer to increase the size of rebates to manufacturers that consume large amounts of energy, and give more assistance to small- and midsized manufacturers trying to retool their businesses to compete in the clean-energy economy.

Perhaps most controversially, Brown wants the Senate to consider imposing tariffs on foreign competitors operating in countries with lax rules for greenhouse gas emissions.

“Carbon dioxide emissions expand if a company closes down in Toledo, Ohio, and moves to Shanghai, where the emissions standards are weaker,” he said. Brown describes this phenomenon as “carbon leakage.”

Democrats such as Sens. Debbie StabenowDebbie StabenowNo certainty on cost-sharing payments to insurers Dems express concerns about Trump's proposed rural development cuts Trump, Clinton campaign aides launch their own bids MORE (Mich.), Carl LevinCarl LevinTrump's crush on foreign autocrats threatens democracy at home OPINION: Congress must press forward with its Russia investigation Democrats and Republicans share blame in rewriting the role of the Senate MORE (Mich.) and Bob CaseyBob CaseyLive coverage: Senate Dems hold talkathon to protest GOP health plan Ryan Phillippe to visit Capitol Hill to advocate for military caregivers Dem senators seize on Senate press crackdown MORE Jr. (Pa.) say they have the same concerns as Brown and acknowledge that he has been a leading advocate for industrial states.

“His voice on manufacturing is really important,” said Stabenow of Brown.

Levin estimated the votes of six to 10 Democrats and “a few Republicans” could depend on what help is given to domestic manufacturers.

“A number of us that come from manufacturing states are determined that those states are going to be treated fairly,” said Levin. “We’ve got to bear this responsibility for the sake of the environment, but it’s got to be shared fairly. I agree with Sherrod Brown.”

Ten Senate Democrats wrote a letter to Obama in August urging that “clean-energy legislation not only address the crisis of climate change, but include strong provisions to ensure the strength and viability of domestic manufacturing.”

Several of those lawmakers said they were reviewing Boxer’s climate bill on Wednesday.

The climate debate presents a tricky problem for Brown, who won election to the Senate in 2006 by campaigning as a liberal populist. He is the most liberal senator from Ohio since the late Sen. Howard Metzenbaum (D-Ohio), who spent his career fighting what he viewed as the excesses of business.

While Brown is a solid supporter of labor unions, he has teamed up with the business community to protect the interests of manufacturing companies in the climate change debate. The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) wrote a letter to Brown last week endorsing his proposal to set up a $30 billion Manufacturing Revolving Loan Fund to help small- and medium-sized businesses restructure their production lines for a new economic landscape.

But Brown says protecting manufacturers is a necessary step to protect workers.

“Climate change has to be substantively a jobs bill and has to be sold as a jobs bill,” said Brown.

Ohio is the quintessential presidential battleground state, and political experts say that Brown’s 2006 election was greatly helped by the growing unpopularity of former President George W. Bush as well as ethics scandals that rocked the Ohio Republican establishment.

Since winning election, Brown has tacked somewhat toward the center of the political spectrum, said Paul Beck, a political scientist at Ohio State University specializing in electoral politics.

“He’s had to represent the whole state, and he’s had a very visible presence in rural areas in small towns,” said Beck, who added: “Ohio is very middle-of-the-road.”

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While climate change legislation isn’t popular among many Republicans, Democrats from industrial parts of the state such as Cleveland, Akron and Youngstown are worried that new restrictions will add to the pressures on communities that have struggled mightily as manufacturing jobs have steadily eroded.

“Climate change is a tough issue for Ohio Democrats,” said Beck. “In his heart of hearts, Brown would want to be more supportive of the Democrats’ plans, but the electorate is holding him back.”

Brown acknowledges this, to an extent. He says that he primarily sees climate change as “a moral issue for the next number of generations, but my second-biggest interest is that it’s really about jobs and manufacturing — we can do it that way.”

Jim Snyder contributed to this article.