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Dems’ panel chiefs cash in on bundling |
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By Alexander Bolton
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Posted: 05/24/07 07:28 PM [ET] |
Powerful Democratic chairmen and subcommittee chairmen have relied on lobbyists to raise money during the first three months of this year, according to recent fundraising reports, which cast light on the strong opposition to lobbying reform
legislation scheduled to reach the floor today.
Conservative Democrats in the Blue Dog Coalition have been particularly leery of legislation that would require lobbyists to reveal in public reports the total amount of contributions they raise or “bundle” for lawmakers. Many Democrats voiced concerns at a closed-door caucus meeting on the lobbying reform bill last week.
“Instead of passing a bunch of little bills, I would rather have people here understand they should act how their momma and poppa taught them how to act,” said Rep. Allen Boyd (Fla.), a Blue Dog Democrat who is undecided about whether to vote for proposed rules requiring lobbyists to report the contributions they raise for lawmakers.
It appears many Democrats — and Republicans, for that matter — would prefer that the public not know how much fundraising help lobbyists provide. Recent campaign-finance reports offer a glimpse of the interactions between lobbyists and lawmakers in private dining rooms around Washington.
Lobbyists have hosted at least three fundraisers for Rep. Jim Oberstar (D-Minn.), the chairman of the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee.
Lobbyists at Preston Gates Ellis & Rouvelas Meeds and Wiley Rein spent $2,600 on catering and room rental fees to hold fundraisers for Oberstar in January and March, according to a fundraising report.
Oberstar’s spokesman, John Schadl, said that he did not know whether lobbyists bundled contributions for Oberstar at the events. But that may change if Democrats vote to adopt legislation mandating disclosure of lobbyist bundling, something government watchdog groups call the keystone of reform.
The legislation would require lobbyists to disclose their fundraising when they have formal or informal agreements with lawmakers about how money raised should be credited. Also, lobbyists who know that lawmakers have credited them for raising funds must report their activity.
Many lawmakers have questioned whether these proposed regulations are too ambiguous.
“If a lobbyist helps put on the fundraiser, are you saying that everyone who contributes is part of a bundled contribution?”
Schadl said.
Schadl, who has worked on Oberstar’s campaigns on his own time, said that lobbyists who arrange fundraisers “usually send something to a group of people who might be interested in attending and they either show up or they don’t based on their interest. It’s not like there’s a vast political machine to round people up.”
There has been talk that opposition within the Democratic Caucus is so strong that leaders may postpone consideration of lobbying reform.
But Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said she will put the legislation on the floor today.
One member of the Democratic leadership said it would send lobbying reform and bundling disclosure rules to the floor as separate pieces of legislation. If the House approved both pieces of legislation they would be combined during conference negotiations with the Senate.
Various Democrats in leadership said support for the bundling rules is growing and predicted they would pass. The House Judiciary Committee passed stand-alone bundling rules by voice vote last week.
Other Democratic chairmen have enjoyed the fundraising help of lobbyists.
Steve Elmendorf, the principal lobbyist for Elmendorf Strategies, held a breakfast fundraiser for Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-Mass.) on Feb. 8.
Elmendorf said he did not remember the fundraiser for Frank because he hosts so many events.
“I do fundraising breakfasts almost every week for someone,” he said. “Fifteen or 20 people show up and write their checks. There’s nothing unusual about it.”
He said the proposed legislation likely would reduce the number of events lobbyists host.
“There will be some people who will stop having fundraisers because they think, ‘I’m not interested in filling out all these forms,’” he said of lobbyists.
Speaking of lawmakers, he added: “Some members will keep doing it and some will say, ‘I don’t want the potential of bad press. Instead of having Steve Elmendorf hold a fundraiser, I’ll have my contract fundraisers work harder and pay them
more money.’
“Behavior will change,” Elmendorf concluded.
Van Scoyoc Associates’ political action committee (PAC) hosted a fundraiser for new Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.) in March, paying $2,169 for room rental and catering expenses, according to Rangel’s fundraising report.
Van Scoyoc employees also bundled contributions to Rep. Pete Visclosky (D-Ind.), the new chairman of the Appropriations energy and water subcommittee. Twelve employees gave Visclosky’s campaign contributions totaling $16,000 during the first three months of the year.
In March, the Access to Medical Imaging Coalition held a fundraiser for Rep. Frank Pallone Jr. (D-N.J.), the new chairman of the Energy and Commerce health subcommittee. A Pallone aide said the coalition is made up of about a dozen organizations and that it hosted the fundraiser at a local restaurant. Philips Electronics North America PAC paid $2,042 for food and drinks.
The Advanced Medical Technology Association PAC hosted a fundraiser for Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.), the chairman of the full Energy and Commerce panel, a few days later. It paid $2,386 to cover expenses for the event.
Dingell said he was not sure whether he would vote to require lobbyists to report their fundraising activity on behalf of lawmakers.
“I’m looking at it and making up my mind,” Dingell said.
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