Members of the House Armed Services Committee have requested millions of dollars in federal earmarks for companies that have contributed thousands of dollars to their reelection funds, according to a review of funding requests made publicly available for the first time.
Rep. Jim Saxton (R-N.J.), ranking member of the Air and Land Forces defense subcommittee, reaped the most money from employees working at firms that would benefit from his funding requests.
During the last election cycle and the first three months of this year, Saxton’s campaign collected 118 contributions worth $91,000 from the employees and political action committees (PACs) of firms such as Lockheed Martin, L-3 Communications, Price Systems and NetIDEAS.
Saxton has also requested millions of dollars in project spending for these companies. He solicited $3 million for L-3 Communications, which has a facility in Camden, N.J., to develop a high-resolution digital recorder; and $25 million in additional funding for Lockheed Martin to work on the Aegis ballistic missile defense system.
Campaign finance records show that L-3’s employees and its PAC gave $7,500 to Saxton’s campaign. Records show that Lockheed Martin’s employees and PAC contributed $36,000 to his account. In total, Saxton received contributions from all 11 companies that would benefit from his earmark requests, which add up to $74.2 million.
Saxton’s and other lawmakers’ requests are publicly available for the first time because of new ethics rules the House passed when Democrats took control of the lower chamber in January.
But legislators remain cautious about revealing their behind-the-scenes maneuvers for funding. Request letters are stored in binders at the committee offices and are prohibited from being photocopied.
Saxton’s seniority on the Armed Services Committee paid off for his donors and constituents. Every company on his request list received specific funding authorization from the panel, according to a list of earmarks attached to the defense authorization bill.
The authorization measure, passed by the House last month, approved $11 million for Lockheed Martin’s work on the Aegis system and $1 million for L-3’s high-resolution recorder, according to Taxpayers for Common Sense.
TCS, a nonpartisan group that tracks federal spending, has compiled a new database of projects authorized in the final version of the House defense bill.
Earlier this year, two freshman Democrats made bids to steer federal funds to the companies of political patrons, according to records made available by Armed Services.
Rep. Brad Ellsworth (D-Ind.) requested $5.98 million for AmeriQual, a company based in his district, to develop high-pressure packaging for the military. Employees of AmeriQual contributed over $10,000 to his campaign during the first three months of this year. They gave around $5,000 in the 2006 election cycle.
Ellsworth also made four multimillion-dollar requests for companies that did not contribute to his political war chest.
Since January, Rep. Joe Courtney (D-Conn.) received 27 contributions totaling $7,500 from employees of Electric Boat, based in Groton, Conn. Courtney asked the leaders of his committee to authorize an additional $70 million for Electric Boat’s “Virginia Class” submarine program.
Both freshmen emphasized the usefulness of their projects.
“I am a proud supporter of America’s warfighter, and of companies like AmeriQual, who in addition to serving as a vital part of our economy share a common goal of providing our soldiers with the highest quality weapons, equipment and food they rely on to complete their mission,” said Ellsworth.
Brian Farber, Courtney’s spokesman, said: “The decline of America’s Navy under the Bush administration is bad for our shipbuilding industrial base and our national defense. While other shipbuilding programs may be struggling, the talented workers at Electric Boat have done an excellent job of delivering submarines on time and on budget.”
From Connecticut to California, lawmakers have requested millions for local employers and reaped political capital from grateful companies. Certain companies, such as Lockheed, L-3 and Raytheon, have enhanced political power because they have operations spread across the country. For example, lawmakers requested money for L-3 projects in San Diego, Anaheim, and Camden.
Since the beginning of 2005, Rep. Duncan Hunter (Calif.), the senior Republican on Armed Services, accepted $43,000 worth of contributions from the employees of companies benefiting from the earmarks he has requested.
John Dressendorfer, an executive at L-3, gave $4,100 to Hunter last year, while the company’s PAC donated $15,000, according to Political Money Line. This spring Hunter requested $67 million for L-3 to build weapons systems. The defense authorization bill passed by the House last month authorized $52 million for L-3’s program.
“Congressman Hunter has no expectations [of receiving funds] for doing what he believes is in the best interest of our nation,” said Hunter’s spokesman Joe Kasper. “He does what he thinks is right for the country, and if people agree with him and want to support him, that’s fine. If they don’t, that’s fine too.”
Rep. Loretta Sanchez (D-Calif.) requested $10.7 million for two companies located in Orange County: L-3 Communications and General Dynamics. Their corporate PACs gave a combined $4,500 to Sanchez this year and $10,500 during the last election cycle.
“The projects are wanted and supported by the [military] services and they’re Orange County projects,” said Paula Negrete, Sanchez’s spokeswoman.
Sanchez also received $11,900 in contributions from employees of PMA Group, a defense lobbying firm based in Arlington, Va., that represents L-3 and Lockheed.
Rep. Marty Meehan (D-Mass.) collected over $20,000 from employees at five firms he represented in funding requests to the Armed Services Committee. He also made requests on behalf of three companies that did not give him any money.
“Massachusetts provides our men and women in uniform with cutting-edge and lifesaving technologies,” said Meehan.
“That would not have been possible without federal investment. I am proud to work with many companies in the state that are doing important work for the Department of Defense and the warfighter.”
Rep. Jim Cooper (D-Tenn.) requested $4 million for the advanced proteomics program at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. Cooper received $19,000 in contributions from Vanderbilt employees since the start of the last election cycle — including $3,800 from the wife of the vice chancellor of health affairs.
Cooper spokesman John Spragens said the university is the largest employer in Cooper’s district and that there is no relationship between the earmark requests and the campaign donations.
Most of Cooper’s Vanderbilt-affiliated contributions came from donors who identified themselves as physicians, scientists, or employees of the school’s medical center.
Saxton’s office did not comment for this article.
Ilan Wurman contributed to this article. |
