When the European Union voted to put up a $1 trillion fund to bail out indebted countries in the Eurozone, it implicitly rejected the alternative, which was to purchase the Greek debt outright, making it an obligation of the EU as a whole and no longer just a Greek affair. By opting for the bailout, the EU has taken a middle course — one that won’t work — between full debt assumption and abandonment. The markets will keep pressing until the EU throws in the towel and buys up all the outstanding Greek debt. Shortly thereafter, it will have to do the same thing for Portugal and perhaps for Italy and Spain.
Greece owes $400 billion. Portugal owes $175 billion. And over the horizon lies Italy, which owes $2 trillion, and Spain, which is on the hook for $819 billion. Against these numbers, a $1 trillion fund doesn’t inspire a whole lot of confidence.
This run on the Club Med countries will continue, and the $1 trillion fund will not be enough to stop it.
The key question is, how will Germany respond? Ever since the 1920s and 1930s, Germans have had a national consensus that unemployment is tolerable but that inflation is not. Having seen Hitler take power in the wake of the inflation of the Weimar Republic, Berlin does not look kindly on inflation. But an aggressive German effort to save Greece — and certainly one to save Italy — would run afoul of this long-held belief and would undermine confidence in Germany’s ability to pay its debts.
Berlin is caught between a rock and a hard place. If they prop up Greece, they undermine confidence in German solvency. If they don’t, they undermine it in the euro. Either path will lead to inflation.
Already, Germany’s debt-to-GDP ratio is 77 percent (not quite Italy’s 115 percent or Greece’s 125, but getting up there). Last week, the cost of insuring $10 million of German government debt against default for five years rose to $47,000, as opposed to only $35,000 at the start of April. These insecurities are certain to rise the closer Germany gets to assuming Greece’s debt.
But if a Eurozone nation is allowed to default, inflation will certainly come as faith in the euro falls.
The meaning for the United States, immediately, is that the export-driven recovery, stoked by improvements in Europe, is likely to fade and the dollar will strengthen, making U.S. exports less competitive.
But the longer-term meaning is much more serious. Investors have gone from being nervous about small banks (the S&L crisis of the ’80s) to being nervous about big banks to being nervous about non-bank financial institutions to being nervous about small countries.
The next steps are obvious. The worry will spread to medium-sized countries like Italy and Britain and then to the biggest of all: the United States.
Obama has left us vulnerable to these concerns with his huge and unnecessary budget deficit. With our debt now exceeding 80 percent of our GDP (it was 60 percent when Obama took office), we are hostage to speculators and nervous investors. In 2011, we may well experience the same kind of international jitters that now bedevil Greece and find our hand forced by an international consensus, just as Athens’ has been.
The Obama deficit is a gift that keeps on giving!
Morris, a former adviser to Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and President Bill ClintonBill ClintonA path forward for Democrats in the Trump era Huckabee praises Clinton’s inauguration stop Clinton at inauguration: 'I will never stop believing in our country and its future' MORE, is the author of Outrage, Fleeced and Catastrophe. To get all of his and Eileen McGann’s columns for free by e-mail or to order a signed copy of their latest book, 2010: Take Back America — A Battle Plan, go to dickmorris.com. In August, Morris became a strategist for the League of American Voters, which is running ads opposing the president’s healthcare reforms.