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Lobbying pays off
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03/25/09 01:56 PM ET
Sen. Arlen Specter’s (R-Pa.) decision to oppose card-check is a huge victory for the business interests that lined up more than two years ago to lobby against labor’s prized legislation.
By organizing early and spending liberally, corporate interests took an early lead in the lobbying battle over the Employee Free Choice Act that they never gave up.
Specter’s early defection came after years of K Street pressure that intensified this year after Democrats gained a near-filibuster-proof majority in the Senate.
Business defined the debate as a contest over secret-ballot rights for workers, even though the bill would have eliminated the right of employers to demand a secret-ballot election for workers to elect union representation.
This was much to the chagrin of Democratic strategists, who would rather have had labor debate the issue as a broader subject about the need to ensure all workers have good pay and healthcare benefits. In his floor statement, Specter described the secret ballot as a “cornerstone” of democratic society, underlining business’s victory in the message wars.
Business lobbies also flooded the box. At least three business coalitions have been set up to lobby on card-check specifically, and all three blast e-mails to reporters and have a presence on Capitol Hill.
This appears to have been effective. While Specter was the only Senate Republican seen as a possible vote for the bill, several centrist Democrats appeared to wobble in their support.
Business and labor both made card-check an issue in the 2008 campaign, and a report by the Campaign Finance Institute hinted at the level of spending these coalitions and their backers made to defeat the unions’ efforts. It found that business groups spent $72 million in television advertisements and grassroots lobbying efforts.
While the exact total spent on card-check is difficult to quantify, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a leading opponent of the card-check bill, spent $36 million, according to the study. The Employee Freedom Action Committee, another card-check opponent, spent $20 million.
Business suggested it was faced with a deep-pocketed opponent, but union spending was much lower. American Rights at Work, a labor advocacy group, spent $5 million to push lawmakers to support the bill, according to the study.
It may be too early to bury card-check. Specter held out the possibility that he could change his position if changes were made to the bill, and if the economy improves. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) insists the fight is not over, and that other Republicans could support it. But he didn’t give any names.
For now, business gets to breathe a sigh of relief and revel in the moment. But they should not get too secure. Labor will have an eye on defeating Specter and other Republicans in 2010, which could give Democrats the filibuster-proof majority that would negate the need for a single GOP vote for card-check.
The lobbying campaign on card-check will go on.
By organizing early and spending liberally, corporate interests took an early lead in the lobbying battle over the Employee Free Choice Act that they never gave up.
Specter’s early defection came after years of K Street pressure that intensified this year after Democrats gained a near-filibuster-proof majority in the Senate.
Business defined the debate as a contest over secret-ballot rights for workers, even though the bill would have eliminated the right of employers to demand a secret-ballot election for workers to elect union representation.
Business lobbies also flooded the box. At least three business coalitions have been set up to lobby on card-check specifically, and all three blast e-mails to reporters and have a presence on Capitol Hill.
This appears to have been effective. While Specter was the only Senate Republican seen as a possible vote for the bill, several centrist Democrats appeared to wobble in their support.
Business and labor both made card-check an issue in the 2008 campaign, and a report by the Campaign Finance Institute hinted at the level of spending these coalitions and their backers made to defeat the unions’ efforts. It found that business groups spent $72 million in television advertisements and grassroots lobbying efforts.
While the exact total spent on card-check is difficult to quantify, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a leading opponent of the card-check bill, spent $36 million, according to the study. The Employee Freedom Action Committee, another card-check opponent, spent $20 million.
Business suggested it was faced with a deep-pocketed opponent, but union spending was much lower. American Rights at Work, a labor advocacy group, spent $5 million to push lawmakers to support the bill, according to the study.
It may be too early to bury card-check. Specter held out the possibility that he could change his position if changes were made to the bill, and if the economy improves. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) insists the fight is not over, and that other Republicans could support it. But he didn’t give any names.
For now, business gets to breathe a sigh of relief and revel in the moment. But they should not get too secure. Labor will have an eye on defeating Specter and other Republicans in 2010, which could give Democrats the filibuster-proof majority that would negate the need for a single GOP vote for card-check.
The lobbying campaign on card-check will go on.
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