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Trump's criminal justice reform record fraught with contradiction

Trump's criminal justice reform record fraught with contradiction

Criminal justice reform took center stage last weekend when the Bipartisan Justice Center honored President TrumpDonald John TrumpObama slams Trump in Miami: 'Florida Man wouldn't even do this stuff' Trump makes his case in North Carolina, Ohio and Wisconsin Pence's chief of staff tests positive for COVID-19 MORE at Benedict College, an HBCU (Historically Black College and Universities) in Columbia, South Carolina, for signing the First Step Act into law last year.  The bill, a bipartisan effort supported by Trump and buoyed by high profile celebrities like CNN’s Van Jones, Kim Kardashian and Kanye West, reduces prison sentences for some federal crimes and provides support services for currently and formerly incarcerated men and women. But the decision by the center to single out Trump for his efforts at an event that substantially restricted student and faculty access at the predominantly black college was a showcase in hypocrisy and rightly garnered widespread condemnation.

The location was itself a cruel juxtaposition. Blacks make up 55 percent of the Democratic primary electorate in South Carolina, a state where the confederate flag once flew over the capitol.

The First Step Act was a sorely needed reform. Statistics reveal that one in three black men in this country spend time in prison during their lifetimes; 56 percent of the prison population is comprised of black and Latino Americans, and while African Americans are roughly 13.4 percent of the U.S. population, they alone comprise 34 percent of those in prison. So striking are the numbers and lingering effects of disrupted lives and families that a 2015 New York Times report proclaimed there are “1.5 million missing black men” due to incarceration or early death. 

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The First Step Act’s sponsors, Sens. Sheldon WhitehouseSheldon WhitehouseSenators battle over Supreme Court nominee in rare Saturday session Democrats, gun control groups attack NRA for efforts to reshape judiciary Hillicon Valley: Threatening emails raise election concerns | Quibi folds after raising nearly B | Trump signs law making it a crime to hack voting systems MORE (D-RI) and John CornynJohn CornynBiden's oil stance jars Democrats in tough races The Hill's Campaign Report: 2020 spending wars | Biden looks to clean up oil comments | Debate ratings are in The Hill's Campaign Report: Obama to hit the campaign trail l Biden's eye-popping cash advantage l New battleground polls favor Biden MORE (R-Texas) encountered substantial pushback from Republicans. But similar attempts at bipartisan reform, including the 2014 Redeem Act, sponsored by Sens. Rand PaulRandal (Rand) Howard PaulTwo Loeffler staffers test positive for COVID-19 Michigan Republican isolating after positive coronavirus test GOP Rep. Mike Bost tests positive for COVID-19 MORE (R-KY) and Cory BookerCory Anthony BookerDemocratic senators unveil bill to ban discrimination in financial services industry Obama endorses Espy in Mississippi Senate race Durbin says he will run for No. 2 spot if Dems win Senate majority MORE (D-N.J.), did not fare as well.  

After the 2015 fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, subsequent reporting during the unrest spotlighted poverty’s role in expanding the prison pipeline for African Americans. Decades-long increased militarization of local police departments came into full view.  Sen. Paul felt compelled to speak on these issues in a piece for Time Magazine in which he pointed out that “Given the racial disparities in our criminal justice system, it is impossible for African-Americans not to feel like their government is particularly targeting them.” Repeated attempts to move the legislation forward have been stalled by Republicans. 

Considering the sinuous path and significant political capital expended to achieve reform, why does Trump’s award feel so offensive? First, Democrats have a healthy distrust for his motives given past interactions and comments.  Second, as a New York political gadfly and provocateur, Trump spent his own money on full page ads urging the death penalty for the Central Park 5, who have since been exonerated. In fact, earlier this year after a powerful film by Ava DuVernay exploded into the national consciousness, the president doubled down on his feelings about the case. Furthermore, Trump’s attitudes toward racial hierarchy are evident in comments referring to “s-hole” countries and his characterization of urban, mostly minority, populations including a widely publicized shot at the late Rep. Elijah CummingsElijah Eugene Cummings'Kamala' and 'Kobe' surge in popularity among baby names Women of color flex political might Black GOP candidate accuses Behar of wearing black face in heated interview MORE (D-Md.) and Baltimore. 

Trump never misses an opportunity to contradict himself. So three days after being honored in South Carolina, Trump launched into a diatribe against Chicago’s leadership by intimating that its police chief and status as a sanctuary city contribute to the crime rate at a conference for international chiefs of police taking place there. 

The inherent danger to communities of color is that away from the public events, Trump’s sentiments can be amplified and promoted through the federal bureaucracy. The administration’s first attorney general, Jeff SessionsJefferson (Jeff) Beauregard SessionsBiden fact checks Trump on 545 families separated at border, calls policy 'criminal' Harris walks fine line on Barrett as election nears The Hill's Morning Report - Sponsored by Facebook - Trump's erratic tweets upend stimulus talks; COVID-19 spreads in White House MORE, reinforced an ugly narrative about cities and communities of color by routinely calling out Obama and Democrats for their supposedly lax approach to crime and punishment. Such accusations fly in the face of years of data showing a substantial decrease in crime and decreasing incarceration rates for all populations, including African Americans. 

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Sessions went further by issuing a directive in 2017 to U.S. attorneys requiring prosecutors to push for the most serious charges on crimes. Oddly, the administration also opposed reforms in Chicago’s police department after the shooting of Laquan McDonald and reversed a plan to decrease number of private prisons.

Given Trump’s track record, should it matter that criminal justice reform passed because of his penchant for courting celebrities? The men and women whose lives have been forever altered by the prison system may not care how the law came to fruition. But the president’s cringe-worthy remarks likening the impeachment process to lynching and the plight of black Americans – and the failure to engage activists including one who literally wrote the book on criminal justice reform – suggests the path to substantive change will be fraught with contradiction and peppered with insult to injury.    

Basil A. Smikle Jr., PhD, lectures at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs and Teachers College, and formerly was executive director of the New York State Democratic Party.