Congress is ready to tackle climate change

Despite the recent Senate debate on the Green New Deal full of play-acting and show votes, members from both parties now appear open to meaningful dialogue on tackling greenhouse gas emissions. Republicans and Democrats in both the House and Senate have offered new proposals and engaged in conversations about solutions.

A legislative breakthrough on comprehensive climate legislation may be too much to hope for just yet. But one idea, in particular, offers this Congress a chance to make a strong down-payment on a solution to the climate crisis.

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Last month, Sen. Lamar AlexanderAndrew (Lamar) Lamar AlexanderOvernight Energy: BLM staff face choice of relocation or resignation as agency moves | Trump says he's 'very much into climate' | EPA rule would expand limits on scientific studies Juan Williams: Republicans flee Trump Romney, Collins, Murkowski only Senate GOP holdouts on Graham's impeachment resolution MORE (R-Tenn.) gave a speech proposing a 5-year “New Manhattan Project for Clean Energy,” invoking the kind of rapid and urgent investment in research and development that occurred during World War II. One element of his proposal, in particular, deserves strong consideration: boosting federal funding for energy research. 

Alexander’s proposal specifically seeks to double funding for the U.S. Department of Energy’s (DOE) Office of Science. This office works closely with many of America’s 17 national laboratories, as well as universities around the country, to pursue projects that could unlock future clean energy breakthroughs.

These projects range from the development of next-generation batteries that would make electric cars the new normal to the advent of technologies for zero-carbon buildings or removing excess carbon dioxide directly from the air. They represent the kind of long-lead projects that federal research dollars have traditionally supported to advance new private sector opportunities. Some may ultimately produce game-changing innovations, while others may not produce practical applications for decades or at all.

Given the urgency of the climate crisis, Congress should also greatly increase funding for DOE’s applied energy programs and ARPA-E(Advanced Research Projects Agency–Energy). These programs support the research, development and deployment of technologies more suited than long-term science to rapid commercialization — often through collaborations with the private sector.

Of course, we can’t merely innovate our way out of the climate challenge. As soon as possible, America needs a comprehensive federal climate policy. A strong regulatory framework offers markets predictability and accountability. And a price on carbon — such as the Baker-Schultz plan that has attracted support from conservatives and businesses alike — would be the clear market signal that unleashes the innovation and speed of the private sector. A well-resourced energy research agenda would underpin this framework by enabling breakthroughs that allow actors throughout the economy to move farther and faster.

Businesses and other actors are already shifting toward a clean energy economy and calling for broader change. More than 3,600 cities, states, businesses and other entities have joined the We Are Still In initiative and declared their support for the Paris Agreement. Over 100 U.S. cities have adopted 100 percent renewable energy goals. Nearly 550 companies across the globe have pledged to set science-based climate targets. But few if any of these actors can establish nationwide regulations or finance clean energy breakthroughs at scale. Along with a price on carbon, that’s where we need federal action.

Behind the theatrics, it’s clear that Congress has an appetite to make progress on climate change. Shortly after the Green New Deal vote, House Democrats introduced the Climate Action Now Act (H.R. 9), consistent with their ongoing drumbeat of efforts on this front. This bill aims to keep the U.S. from withdrawing from the historic Paris Agreement and calls for a plan to cut America’s carbon pollution. House Republicans like Rep. Brian FitzpatrickBrian K. FitzpatrickHillicon Valley: Critics press feds to block Google, Fitbit deal | Twitter takes down Hamas, Hezbollah-linked accounts | TikTok looks to join online anti-terrorism effort | Apple pledges .5B to affordable housing Twitter takes down Hamas, Hezbollah-affiliated accounts after lawmaker pressure GOP lawmakers express concerns about Giuliani's work in Ukraine MORE of Pennsylvania and Rep. Francis RooneyLaurence (Francis) Francis RooneyBipartisan Senate climate caucus grows by six members House Democrat: Taylor's impeachment testimony made 'very clear' there was a quid pro quo New bipartisan Senate climate caucus aims to take 'politics' out of the topic MORE of Florida have joined with several Democrats to support a carbon pricing approach.

And in the Senate, Sen. Lisa MurkowskiLisa Ann MurkowskiGoogle sparks new privacy fears over health care data This week: House kicks off public phase of impeachment inquiry GOP senators plan to tune out impeachment week MORE (R-Alaska) joined with Sen. Joe ManchinJoseph (Joe) ManchinFormer coal exec Don Blankenship launches third-party presidential bid Centrist Democrats seize on state election wins to rail against Warren's agenda Overnight Energy: Senate eyes nixing 'forever chemicals' fix from defense bill | Former Obama EPA chief named CEO of green group | Senate reviews Interior, FERC nominees criticized on ethics MORE (D-W. Va.) to jumpstart hearings on climate change in the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee — the first such hearings since 2012. They too are proposing an innovation agenda.

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These and other developments show that leaders from both parties recognize the urgent need to address climate risk. We are optimistic that action on a carbon price will follow in due course.

While comprehensive climate policy remains challenging under the current administration, that doesn’t mean we can’t put its building blocks in place now. An investment in clean energy R&D for both near-term and longer-term technologies offers fertile ground for bipartisan cooperation. It could unleash a wave of innovations and further embolden cities, states and companies working to slash emissions. At a moment when we need to pursue progress where we can, when we can, it’s a smart proposal that could deliver real results — even as we urge allies of all political stripes to implement the broader policy framework that we need. 

Carter Roberts is president and CEO of World Wildlife Fund (WWF) in the United States.